Bush moves to reshuffle Mideast military posts

President Bush has decided to name Lt. Gen. David H. Petraeus as the top US military commander in Iraq, part of a broad revamping of the military team that will carry out the administration's new Iraq strategy. As a supporter of increased forces in Iraq, Petraeus is expected to back the administration's proposed escalation of the war, in sharp contrast to his predecessor, Gen. George W. Casey Jr., who has been openly skeptical that additional troops would help stabilize the country. Senior administration officials said that the choice of Petraeus was part of a broader effort to change almost all of the top US officials in Iraq as the White House changes its strategy there. In addition to the promotion of Petraeus, Gen. John P. Abizaid, the head of the Central Command (Centcom), is expected to be replaced by Adm. William J. Fallon, the top US military officer in the Pacific. Abizaid also expressed skepticism of further troop deployments in testimony on Capitol Hill in November. He said 20,000 more troops could be deployed, but that the Army and Marine Corps are too taxed to sustain the increase for long. As with Abizaid, Casey expressed reservations about the potential effectiveness of boosting troop strength in Iraq. He told reporters in Iraq last month that he is "not necessarily opposed to the idea" of sending in more troops, but said any increase would have to "help us progress to our strategic objectives." Both Casey and Abizaid had advocated plans to hand over security responsibilities to the Iraqis while gradually reducing US forces and shrinking the number of US bases in Iraq, as conditions permit. Their argument has been that a lengthy expansion of US forces in Iraq will simply put off the day when Iraqis take more responsibility for their security. Taking a different view, the Bush administration and other sympathetic military officers have argued for sending more troops while stepping up economic efforts. Progress in stabilizing Iraq, they argue, will come only when the Iraqi public does not feel that it needs militias or insurgent groups to ensure its security, and when it concludes that its basic economic needs are being met. Training and advising the Iraqi forces should continue to be an important priority, these officers have argued, but the Iraqis cannot be expected to shoulder the brunt of the security effort so quickly. Petraeus has been squarely in this camp, as was reflected in the military's new counterinsurgency field manual, which he helped rewrite. Issued last month, the document argues that, while killing insurgents matters, it is even more vital to win the support of the population. It also advocates moving soldiers out of large, isolated bases and putting them among the population. Petraeus participated in the initial invasion of Iraq as the commander of the 101st Airborne Division. The division fought its way toward Baghdad and was later sent to Mosul in northern Iraq, where the general focused on political and economic reconstruction efforts. "We are in a race to win over the people," read a sign in his Mosul headquarters. "What have you and your element done today to contribute to victory?" Before the selection of Petraeus, there was some doubt about whether the top Iraq commander would be an enthusiastic executor of the new strategy the administration is preparing, which will include the influx of more than 20,000 US troops into Iraq. Now the White House has secured a reliable ally to champion and shape that strategy, an important asset for an administration that has decided to buck the tide of public opinion by deepening the US military involvement in Iraq. While some Democratic lawmakers have insisted that any increase be limited to a few months, neither the While House nor Petraeus would support such a deadline. Bush's selection of Fallon was more unexpected. Fallon would become the first Navy officer to take over the Middle East command since its creation in 1983. Because most threats to US interests in the region have been mostly land-based, Centcom has alternated between Army and Marine generals. Fallon has been viewed as somewhat out of step with Bush administration policy in Asia. He has advocated closer military relationships with China and downplayed the threat posed by North Korea's missile program. In contrast, former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld repeatedly raised concerns about the North Korean missile program and the lack of transparency of China's military buildup while he was in office. The selection of a Navy officer to head Centcom could signal the Pentagon's interest in devoting more attention to countries in the region other than Iraq. Fallon's appointment also reflects a greater emphasis on countering Iranian power, a mission that relies heavily on naval forces and combat air power to project US influence in the Persian Gulf.