Thai military ousts prime minister in coup

A military coup in Thailand last week returned the country to a time that most experts thought was finally past, raising questions about the future of Thai democracy and the stability of a country that is a prime tourist destination with strong economic links to the West. Ending months of political deadlock, Thailand's army moved dramatically to oust Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra in a bloodless coup on Sept. 19, led by army chief Gen. Sonthi Boonyaratklin. The army swiftly and effectively took control of the country while the premier was abroad attending the United Nations General Assembly in New York. Thaksin, accused by coup leaders of corruption and undermining democratic institutions, attempted to declare a state of emergency via Thai television from New York, but was cut off in mid-speech. Later, he canceled his address to the General Assembly. Battalions of soldiers stationed around the capital city of Bangkok and loyal to the army chief had quickly moved into key positions around the city hours before, late in a rainy night. Tanks, with yellow ribbons tied around their gun barrels to indicate solidarity with Thailand's monarch King Bhumibol, took up positions at strategic points in the city, including the parliament building and the palace, flanked by heavily armed soldiers. The army also took over the country's radio and television stations, canceling all transmissions and forcing them to play somber military music and show pictures of Bhumibol. This, for many, was the first sign that Thailand was going through another dramatic political episode. International broadcasters, including the BBC and CNN, had their transmissions blacked out. Not a shot was fired during the operation. A country seen as a rare light of democracy in Southeast Asia is suddenly under martial law, ending a political crisis that has festered since Thaksin was unconvincingly re-elected last April, amid charges of fraud. An old nightmare has come back to haunt Thailand: there were 17 coups between 1932 and 1991. The most recent put a military dictator in place who was soon overthrown. The international reaction to the coup was muted, and there were no demands that Thaksin be reinstated, although the White House said it was "disappointed" in the coup and called for a swift restoration of democracy. Thaksin, a telecom billionaire often likened to Italy's former prime minister Silvio Berlusconi, was one of the most popular–and unpopular–prime ministers in recent Thai history. Thais' different viewpoints demonstrate a sharp social divide that he has played on during the crisis. Thaksin's party, Thai Rak Thai, or Thais Love Thais, has won three elections by landslides, in 2001, 2005 and again in April. Because of his broad support among rural and poor voters, he was widely expected to win any new election. But as he tightened his grip over much of the political scene, opposition to him swelled among the elite, mostly in Bangkok and spread to the middle classes. Thaksin's critics had always maintained that an excess of hubris and greed would bring about his downfall. The dam broke when he used a legal loophole to sell his family's telecommunications conglomerate, ShinCorp, overseas and secure a tax-free profit of $1.9 billion. In a country where the gap between haves and have-nots has been widening under his governance, it was one deal too many. What followed was remarkable: day after day, tens of thousands of peaceful demonstrators made Bangkok's vast royal Saman Luang park their own, gridlocking the capital, thwarting business decision making, further sapping Thailand's sagging stock market, and provoking political turmoil. Thaksin made enemies abroad as well. He once described Washington as a "useless friend" after the US denounced his human rights record, and fumed that "the UN is not my father" after stern words from diplomats questioned his bloody campaign against drug-dealers that resulted in 3,000 extra-judicial killings. His "shoot-to-kill" policies against ethnic Malay-Muslims in southern Thailand had alienated Thailand's neighbors and Muslims. Thaksin even hid the first outbreak of bird flu in a vain attempt to protect Thai poultry exports, almost risking a global pandemic in the process. Thaksin remains popular with the poor who feel he has tried to improve their lot with a 30 baht (less than one US dollar) health scheme, the injection of funds into the villages and the suspension of farmers' debts. While the coup was accepted by most Thais, ominous signals soon appeared. The day after the coup, Sonthi systematically sacked the prime minister, dismissed parliament, suspended the constitution and declared martial law in a brief televised statement. A day later, leaders of the coup clamped down on the country's political parties, banning meetings and the formation of new parties until further notice. No time-frame was given for the ban, but the coup leaders have estimated that it will take a year for the constitution to be changed and for fresh general elections to be held. Despite the ban on public assembly, a small group of dissidents gathered to voice their opposition to the junta outside a swanky shopping mall in Bangkok on Sept. 22. "No to Thaksin, No to coup," read a protest sign held up by the dissidents, who numbered about 20. "Don't call it reform. It's a coup," said another. Thanaphol Eiwsakul, no stranger to controversy when it comes to fighting for political and civil liberties, is among the leading voices daring to challenge the coup's leaders. "This coup is against democracy; it is against the law," said the 33-year-old editor of a Thai magazine known for its progressive views. "The announcements on TV supporting the coup are asking us to support something that is illegal. Would you support an act that is against the law?"